Courting Educational Justice
GUEST BLOG BY KARIN LITZCKE, BC PARENT ACTIVIST
I am not a lawyer, so for the first 15 years that I was an active parent in the public school system I kept pretty clear of the legal issues. But once I started looking at school through the legal lens I was hooked. Issues that had seemed impenetrably complex looked at from the perspective of pedagogy, political science, economics, or sociology are cast into sharp clarity by the lens of the law.
The relationship between parents and schools is one such issue. Beginning with the question of obligations surrounding report cards during BC's 2011-2012 teacher strike(ish), I have, for the past 2 1/2 years, been on a self-representing odyssey seeking consideration of parent rights in schools at the BC Labour Relations Board, BC Supreme Court, and the BC Court of Appeal. In the latter 2 instances I applied (unsuccessfully) for intervenor status in an ongoing case between the provincial government and the BC Teachers' Federation that dates back to 1998 when class size and class composition were legislated into the BCTF's collective agreement.
Labour law has played a considerable role in shaping public education for many decades. It is my premise that it is time for family law to have an equal impact.
If I lived in Ontario, a recent news story about the ETFO's white privilege curriculum aspirations would have me ramping back up into legal project mode. Not that this is uncharted territory in other provinces; I believe the teachers' unions have captured so-called "professional" development quite handily everywhere; certainly in BC. A test case has been needed for a long time to clarify the boundaries of the allowable effect of such development in schools, and this one has several elements that make it a good candidate, in my opinion.
What no one ever points out in education (because it serves no paid stakeholders to do so) is that there is no legal relationship between the union and parents. In addition, the union has no duty of care to children. So when materials enter the classroom that originate with the union, there is no clear accountability framework for its effect. The union has no legal relationship with taxpayers either, as far as I can grasp. So when teachers use their taxpayer-funded time on union-made curriculum, the governance implications are interesting, to say the least. But let's stay with the parent aspect for the moment.
Although parents are compelled to enrol their children in school, it is my belief that there is some sort of a parent consent framework involved. Parents do not, after all, cede custody of their children to the school. The person who has custody of the child is the one who is empowered to make educational decisions for the child under constitutional law and family law, not to mention under international covenant. So the unanswered legal question is, to what do parents consent, educationally? To whom do they give this consent? And what are the duties of the body to whom consent is given?
There is a broader legal question involved, even still without tapping into the issue of what programming taxpayers can legitimately be expected to fund. Compelling children to attend school is, on the face of it, a Charter violation; whether of the rights of parents or children themselves is not entirely clear because it seems uncertain whether children have separate rights. Whoever's rights are infringed, it seems to be a governing assumption in court that this violation of the Charter is for the common good, or saved by Section 1 of the Charter, as they say... "prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society." The untested legal question is, how far into the evolution of educational practices is this violation "demonstrably justified?" When public education was first made compulsory, it had certain characteristics that allowed the government and the people to believe that universal schooling was a "common good," (although the necessity for corporal punishment and truancy laws has always provided cause for scepticism). But whatever the veracity of the initial premise for compulsion, the characteristics of schooling have changed. How much can they change before governments lose the legal, political, moral, or economic rationale for compelling parents to enrol their children?
And for this situation in particular, how much can the government cede decision-making authority to other organizations, whether unions, textbook publishers, or international consultants, before an "illegal delegation of power" has occurred?
Again, I'm not a lawyer. But I've been poking around the public education system with the credentials and expertise that I do have for nearly 20 years, and my spidey sense tells me there are legal boundaries being crossed around here somewhere. There is not a single paid stakeholder in the whole education system or in any level of government for whom any shred of incentive exists to investigate these questions. If they are ever to be answered, they will have to be asked by the unpaid stakeholders: parents, children, or electors - and they will have to be asked in court.
Generally, the unpaid stakeholders believe that their options are restricted to what can be achieved in the political realm. But given the superior resources of paid stakeholders, whatever we achieve politically can be undone in the twinkling of an eye in the next round. THEN the vested interests go to court to cement their political gains with legal actions, most of them in the labour relations arena where the public and parents have no standing. So education policy-making is taking place in the courts with no input from the people who own the system and are forced to depend on it for the transmission of their values, culture, and skills.
Again, don't take this as legal advice. As far as this case is concerned, my views are purely the speculations of a layperson, albeit a reasonably well informed one. But I do not hesitate to advise that parents, children, and electors should be represented and heard in court cases concerning education. The courts are where the business of the state is increasingly being done, for better or for worse, and so it is where education activism needs to go.




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